Comrades will, I hope, forgive me if I do not use this occasion to give a general political analysis of the situation in Britain. Given the title of this conference, I wanted instead to grapple with some of the difficulties facing communists today in the wake of momentous and unwelcome changes in the world situation since 1989. Since the collapse of the socialist countries we have witnessed a concerted challenge on our world outlook from those who proclaim the ‘end of history’ and whose ‘post modern’ cynicism which espouses naked individualism seeks to deny any form of universality in theory or practice. The ideological assault is a reflection of the apparent triumph of market economics and finds its political expression in the resurgence of right wing, fascist and fundamentalist forces. In Britain, although the conservatives lost the 1997 election, their replacement by ‘new labor’ has not signalled a break in the anti-working class politics of the previous government.

How should communists respond to this situation? Three choices present themselves:

We can pretend that nothing has changed – that all the problems already mentioned are but a temporary hiccup. All we need do is wait, and keep our power dry, until they blow over and when that happens, providing we maintain our organization pure and intact, based on the true gospel, workers will eventually take heed. Communists have never been popular, but that has never deterred us in the past. The faint hearted will sell out as they always have done leaving us ‘better but fewer’. I call this the fundamentalist perspective.

We can raise our hands in horror and give up altogether on the mistaken premise that the logic of world events has shown that communism and even socialism is an outworn 19^th century ideology and in the conditions of the 1990’s is an utterly spent force. This position has found echoes within the communist movement. It was the line of the one time theoretical and discussion journal of the CPGB, ‘Marxism Today’, and of Eurocommunism. The logic of the argument is to ditch the communist party altogether and embark on a new postmodern agenda, which recognizes the presumed fallacy not just of communist theory and practice, but of class politics in general. I call this the perspective of the defeated – it is a non-perspective, very appealing to the weary.

We can seize the challenge embark on a very difficult new course, one which we shall have to invent without too much help from our previously reliable canons. This is the course which our Party favors and which I shall now attempt to outline.

Its starting point is an open acknowledgment that there is a perspective for communists, despite (in much of Europe) our shrinking numbers and the apparent unpopularity of our goal. But it also involves a willingness to confront change and not being frightened by new issues. This entails firstly, a collective determination to develop Marxist – Leninist theory in place of a presumption that Marx, Angels and Lenin said the last word on everything. Historical materialism has laid the basis for our understanding of the world – it is a theory whose very essence is predicted on change and unless it is applied to comprehend changes since Lenin’s day, it will become a sterile dogma. Secondly, communists have to develop a political practice, which recognizes that the working class is not, and never has been, solely white and male. An essential element in maintaing capitalist relations of production is to divide workers by exploiting the most easily distinguished differences of race and gender. The oppression and super exploitation of women and black people, mediated by the ideologies of racism and sexism, is an integral feature of capitalist rule economically and politically. In this respect it is vital that communist recognize that women and black people are not categorized as ‘new social forces’- they are key components of the working class – in some countries constituting a majority of it. Consequently their needs and issues must form an ever-present feature of the communist agenda.

If we have a role today it must be based on an appraisal of the relevance of basic, rather than the historically defined tenets of communism. In this respect we must distinguish between principles on the one had and tactics and strategy on the other. Our essential principles are non – negotiable and are expressed clearly in the Communist Manifesto.

What are these essential tenets:

The existence of class exploitation. Marx’s discovery of the inner working of this system and the source of profit as being the exploitation of the worker is as true today as ever.

That there is not a harmony of interests between exploiter and exploited – society is divided into classes and even though quiescence often prevails, there is a struggle between them.

The existence of divisive forms of oppression and ideologies supporting it, particularly in the form of racism and sexism. Such oppression as well as the perpetuation of other divisive ideologies helps to maintain capitalist rule by consent.

Where consent fails, capitalist rule is maintained by coercion.

That this entire economic system and the state edifices which support it, serve only the interests of the few whilst denying the hopes, aspirations and sometimes the humanity of the many.

That the system can be changed through the united national and international action of all those disadvantaged by it.

That the goal is socialism.

These ‘simple’ (as Brecht said) principles of communism are inviolate. However, communist tactics and strategy must, in contrast, be constantly reviewed. It is necessary to acknowledge past mistakes and to adopt a style of work, which does not elevate tactical or strategic differences into differences of principle or in principle. This involves a more open style in which discussion and consent replaces diktat and discipline. At present the communist movement is fractured nationally and internationally, but conferences like this, conducted in an open and comradely manner, provide the basis for a new from of unity – a unity which is not derived, as in the past, from the imposition a line from the CPSU, but one which can and will emerge through political struggle and ideological debate. The KKE must be congratulated for kick – starting this process. The slogan of the First International, for which Marx wrote the Communist Manifesto ‘Workers of all Countries Unite’, must remain our aim: a first pre – requisite of achieving it must be the unity of communists.