Intervention of the Tudeh Party of Iran

The Central Committee of the Tudeh Party of Iran is greatly honored to participate in this international meeting of communist and workers parties to discuss the importance and relevance of our struggle to the contemporary world which is also to celebrate the 80th anniversary of the foundation of the fraternal Communist Party of Greece.

Allow me to express the deep gratitude of the Tudeh Party of Iran to the Communist Party of Greece for organizing and hosting this event and providing this opportunity for us to discuss our points of view. I would like to convey to the fraternal Communist Party of Greece the whole-hearted greetings and wishes of the Tudeh Party of Iran for their success in the struggle for socialism in Greece.

The events since 1985 and the severe reverses in the construction of socialism in Eastern Europe have undoubtedly influenced the way our parties now operate. While we reject all non-scientific and defeatist assessments, which exaggerate the impact of these events and seek to question the wisdom of our struggle for genuine socialist transformation, nevertheless we cannot ignore the influence they have had on our struggle and the way we organize.

As we approach the new millenium we need to reflect on the changes in the world balance of forces, the impact of the capitalism’s ideological and propaganda offensive on the working class and especially the struggles during the 20th century to build socialism in the reality of a deeply divided world.

In the following presentation, we do not attempt to touch upon all issues, but have tried to focus on a number of major factors influencing our struggle. We hope to draw attention to some processes and ideas of central significance in order to support this important discussion.

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*The defeat of the Soviet Union and other socialist countries of Eastern Europe has resulted in the world balance of forces being tipped in favor of capitalism. This however has not changed in anyway the exploitative, oppressive and aggressive nature of capitalism; on the country it has reinforced it and exposed it in the eyes of millions.

This has meant that since the early 1990’s imperialism has enjoyed virtually an unrivalled position in trying to shape political, social, cultural and scientific development in the world. The main goal of imperialism, especially US imperialism, after the defeat of the socialist camp in Eastern Europe has been to strive to impose its world hegemony in politics, economics, military affairs and culture. Continued expansion of NATO as a military and aggressive treaty is used as a tool to maintain the supremacy of world capitalism and the military presence of imperialism in sensitive regions and strategic «hot spots».

In the present world situation, imperialism has been using the IMF and the World Bank as instruments to further erode any possibility of independent socialist orientation. Under the guise of structural and economic adjustment measures the IMF has prescribed slashing of public expenditure and privatization of main areas of economy along with the virtual removal of all restrictions on the activities of foreign capital Cuts in public sector investments has resulted in the erosion of provision in education, health and social security systems. Communities are poorer and disempowered as a result. Privatization of huge sections of economy combined with economic open door policies have left Third World economies powerless in the face of multinationals swallowing local industries and taking control and decision making process away from people.

Capitalism is intent on establishing its full control over world economies and to roll back any progressive structure or working class advance achieved during years of struggle. The past two years has seen 29 of the richest countries of the OECD meeting in secret to get an agreement to facilitate foreign investment by transnational companies. Under the terms of the proposed Multilateral Agreement on Investment (MAI) no national government would be entitled to legislate in favor of local industries or their own national producers. This will transfer democratic control over to secretive transnational corporations whose priorities are based on maximizing profits and not consolidating economic independence or national priorities. MAI would greatly assist the transnationals to push to remove investment controls, national self-government and democratic structures, which are regarded as impeding profits.

MAI is a natural consequence of ascendancy of neoliberalism in the world. It is devised and pushed by the same forces that have been vociferously advocating GATT, NAFTA and EMU. The much talked of «globalization» is nothing but a neolibral code for a world economy shaped by privatization, deregulation and liberalization.

The use of economic levers as a weapon to pressurize governments is an imperialist tactics which in the new world situation has found more importance and impact, passing of the Burton-Helms Law, that allows the US to economically penalize countries with economic ties with Cuba and Damato Law, regarding Libya and Iran are nothing other than direct interference by the US in the internal affairs of other countries.

*Attempting to make the situation irreversible, imperialism has devoted enormous resources to control the thoughts of working people and monopolize all means influencing popular opinion and decision making. The prevailing ideology of the bourgeois classes effects and essentially shapes all forms of mass communication. Imperialism’s coordinated campaign of mis-information and poisonous publicity against socialism and all other progressive and independent opinion is one of the characteristics of the world situation.

*This is at a time when the scourge of human and environmental impoverishment haunts the entire planet, imperialism is able to move its excesses almost unfettered in pursuit of private profits and is capable of utilizing international military force whenever it encounters opposition or unforeseen complexities. The interest and rights of the overwhelming majority of the worlds’ population are under constant threat. The ‘carrot and the stick’ and / or ‘ divide and rule’ approaches are everyday features affecting social and individual development.

*The characteristics of class structures across the entire planet are governed by these factors. On the one hand producing social and cultural diversity while on the other propelling the majority towards social, cultural and economic homogeneity. This world of disorder presents many problems, challenges, opportunities and tasks for the communist and workers parties. At the end of the century there is a pressing need for development of an alternative factor in world politics which could result in creation of a counter balance to imperialism.

*Based on the specifics of their own national situation and history, the communist and workers parties recognize the change and the challenge of the ‘new’ in achieving social advance.

*150 years since the publication of the Communist Manifesto much in the world has changed, however the periodic and general tendency amongst the industrialized nations in creating crisis of over-production remains prominent, while international rivalries between the countries of NAFTA, the EU and APEC to control world markets threatens instability and even war. Tragedies such as the dismemberment of Yugoslavia and war in the Balkan, the war against Iraq and the crisis in the Middle East peace process are only some examples of this threat.

These developments form the key features of the ideological, political, economic, cultural and social background to the renewal of scientific socialism, which remains the only coherent alternative to the chaos of theories, policies and ideas rooted in the bourgeois control of the world’s peoples and destiny.

The events of recent past have also exposed a certain lagging of theoretical explanations on the part of the movement as far as the technological revolution and its consequences for the society are concerned. The renewal of ideological work is of pressing importance and must go hand in hand with the strengthening of organizational tasks. The cornerstones of our ideology were laid by Marx and Lenin and they remain relevant, even reluctantly acknowledged by the apologists and theoreticians of imperialism as decisive factors, which have shaped the economics, and politics of today’s world.

However the constant renewal of working class ideology is vital in mobilizing traditional and new forces for social change and revolution. The communist parties should constantly examine the validity of our assertions on the basis of scientific discoveries and development of knowledge. In this field international cooperation should be natural and will help formulate a better understanding among the forces for change.

Communist and Workers parties long ago recognized the significance of national characteristics. Each has forged out national specifics, which provides the starting point for their world outlook. At the start of the 21st century however, they are also faced with a range of negative ideological, organizational and political inheritances, which effect each in different ways, but are global in their consequence.

Moreover two additional features have gained strength since the late 80’s and early 90’s. These have significantly influenced world events and impact on our capacity to seek a different path of social development.

First, pseudo-nationalism which mixes aspirations for national statehood and self-determination with regional identity, tribalism or religious fundamentalism. Such phenomenon increasingly provides motivation and even international legitimacy for imperialist military expansionism or intervention.

Second, the new cosmopolitanism, which has two contradictory points of focus. The supremacy of the individual in determining political freedom where mass organizations are regarded as irrelevant. The «me-first society» as the cornerstone of modern civilization. And in parallel, a concept of economic globalization, which implies the weakening of state structures and power.

The new realities present the biggest challenge to the left since the publication of the Communist Manifesto. Furthermore, the legacy of the collapse of socialist countries in Eastern Europe still remains a negative political factor affecting communist parties. However, while conditions may have changed substantially since 1848 the key to achieving progress remains internationalism and not nationalism or worse fashionable cosmopolitanism.

While the character of the production, distribution and exchange in the capitalist world has undergone fundamental change, its nature and purpose remains substantially unaltered i.e. the drive for profit, accumulation, monopolization and stratification of all societies remains dominant. It is however, in its interconnections and interdependency, which is often referred to as globalization that the new challenge, lies.

The parties of Communist tradition are well placed in this respect to meet the challenge. Internationalism has been central to its work; indeed some of its finest successes have been achieved when its international activity has been at the center of its activity and action.

The New World disorder and global capitalism will not however be successfully challenged or the forces of the left rebuilt by recreating the internationalism of the past. Anew internationalism of the left is needed.

One of the main characteristics of this new internationalism is that alongside the workers and oppressed people across all the five continents, who have capitalism as their enemy and share common interest, it encompasses all other forces fighting against exploitation and oppression. It encompasses not only the working class and the workers, but social and political forces fighting for freedom, democracy, social progress, national independence and socialism. Such a new definition should not give rise to abandonment of the essential economic and social traits so fundamental to communist internationalism. This new characteristic does not negate the class nature of new internationalism as it is profoundly anti capitalist in its aims and objectives.

The new internationalism like its predecessor must be built on the common factors, which can unify the interests of working people within and across national frontiers. But it must also recognize that the long term social, economic and cultural renewal of any one society is to a great depend on international cooperation.

Thus the new internationalism must have two distinct dimensions. First, organizational compatibility forged in structures which can work together linked by human and technological mechanisms working from mutually agreed programs, shared objectives and independence.

Second, national activities and perspectives, which take into account the global pace of change and development. In this national priorities will be established, not on national aspirations alone, but on the actual possibilities determined by regional or global possibilities. This is the basis for a new dialectic in world politics and will require the renewal of political forces capable of grasping the challenge.

The national and international experiences of the parties of the communist tradition have many advantages in filling this vacuum but it will not be achieved if we hesitate in taking initiatives or allow the forces of reaction to imprison our imagination and energy.

This is not to counterpoise national and international priorities of the individual communist and worker parties, but rather to establish a clear and strong link between the two. A strong internationalist movement capable of challenging the New World Order can not develop in the absence of communist parties capable of developing projects for social change and building a new society free from capitalism. In our opinion there is a need for the existence of communist parties capable of studying and evaluating the situation, the national conditions and experiences in each country in order to organize and attempt building of socialism. What we are arguing is that if revolutionary working class parties are necessary and so is the need for their international cooperation.

Equipped with the lessons from the past experience, our parties are able to undertake indispensable role in the struggle for democracy and socialism in our respective countries. Adopting principled positions in addressing people’s short term and strategic demands and campaigning steadfastly for them and with them and other progressive forces is what our parties are capable of and experienced in. Campaigning for the formation of anti dictatorial, anti capitalist and anti imperialist fronts should form part of our agenda in whatever conditions we live and are struggling in. As far as the life of our own organizations concerned we should strive for developing dynamic relationships with our members and with other forces within the societies we work in. Inner party democracy and active participation of all members and cadres in the formulation of national tactics and strategies is the source of our strength. The life within our parties, our struggle within our societies or our internationalist obligations should not come into conflict with each other. They should complement each other.

We are forces of the future!

Now is the time after 150 years to renew, modernize and rise high the Marxist slogan «Workers of all lands unite».